Nadeem knows first hand the misery of life on the streets. Sexually assaulted as a child, he became a pimp of young boys -- the only way he knew how to survive as a member of Pakistan's underclass. He says he was 12 years old when he was attacked. Since then, he has been dragged into a vicious cycle of horrifying abuse allegedly aided and abetted by police and which few are willing to confront in the Muslim country. "It was just the third night I slept on a street when a policeman picked me up and did bad things to me. I cried a lot but no one came to help me," Nadeem, now 17, told AFP. He was sexually assaulted for a second time by the leader of a street gang, who then forced Nadeem to join the 17 other children in his gang. By 14 he was a full-time sex worker. His pimp gave him a mobile phone to keep in contact with clients. According to charities which work to protect street children in Pakistan, up to 90 percent are sexually abused on the first night that they sleep rough and 60 percent accuse police of sexually abusing them. "Children on the street are beaten, tortured, sexually assaulted, and sometimes killed," said Rana Asif Habib, head of the Initiator Human Development Foundation (IHDF). "Police (should) protect people. When policemen are themselves involved in molesting children, who will protect them?" he asks. "What we have gathered in our research is that policemen make up more than 60 percent of those who physically torment, sexually harass street children," said Anwer Kazmi of the Edhi Foundation, the country's largest charity. Karachi is home to Pakistan’s biggest community of street children -- tens of thousands of victims of domestic violence and broken homes, drugs and crime, in the steamy port city. More than 170,000 street children live on the streets across the country. Illiterate, uneducated and most without family, the children can grow into seasoned criminals, drug addicts or fall prey to Islamist militancy. When Nadeem turned 16, he tried to escape. He received counselling from a charity and was taught photography. He tried to make it his profession. "I was happy with my work, but a year ago, a policeman put me in the lockup on a false charge, confiscated my camera and abused me sexually," he said. The experience turned him against the world. "I decided to become stronger. Now I have my own gang and many influential people are my clients. No one can touch me now." Nadeem says he acts as a pimp to 10 teenage sex workers aged 14-18, taking a sizeable cut of whatever the boys in earn. "Half an hour after finishing with one client I get another call and I forget all about wanting a respectable life." Nadeem lives on a street in the downtown Saddar neighbourhood, but rents a room in a cheap hotel when he has surplus cash. He confesses that he too sexually assaulted a child. "He insulted me and my family so I told him he had it coming. So I grabbed him and gave it to him. I still remember that night. I haven't done that to anyone else since then and I don't want to." Rizwan is a fisherman's son. He insists he is 12, but he looks much younger. He left home three years ago because his family beat him and says he was abused by police. IHDF fears he too will be dragged into the sex industry. "The police tried to make me do bad things six or seven times but I managed to get away," he said. "But one day, one policeman took me by force, put a cloth over my mouth and took me to a place where he did bad things." Shaukat Hussain, head of police in Karachi's southern district where many street children live, said any officers found guilty would be punished, but denied the force was anything like as culpable as reported. "There are black sheep in our department who are involved in such acts. But we punish anyone whose crime comes to surface and is proved," he told AFP. "The number of policemen who are involved in such acts is far less than what is being claimed by the media and NGOs," he added. Pakistan offers little protection to vulnerable children. "A draft bill for child protection has been pending with the interior ministry for two years," a senior official of the human rights ministry told AFP on condition of anonymity as he was not authorised to talk to the media. The bill is designed to tighten the laws protecting children, bringing them in line with international conventions, doing more to help children in difficulty and bringing police and other offenders to book for abusing minors. "There is a visible lack of interest on the part of the government on this issue... despite our constant pursuits," said the ministry official. One former police official told AFP that he organised seminars to sensitise police on how to treat street children four years ago, but that the programme was abruptly abandoned when he retired. August 2011
Thursday, December 22, 2011
Children sexually abused on Pakistan's streets
Nadeem knows first hand the misery of life on the streets. Sexually assaulted as a child, he became a pimp of young boys -- the only way he knew how to survive as a member of Pakistan's underclass. He says he was 12 years old when he was attacked. Since then, he has been dragged into a vicious cycle of horrifying abuse allegedly aided and abetted by police and which few are willing to confront in the Muslim country. "It was just the third night I slept on a street when a policeman picked me up and did bad things to me. I cried a lot but no one came to help me," Nadeem, now 17, told AFP. He was sexually assaulted for a second time by the leader of a street gang, who then forced Nadeem to join the 17 other children in his gang. By 14 he was a full-time sex worker. His pimp gave him a mobile phone to keep in contact with clients. According to charities which work to protect street children in Pakistan, up to 90 percent are sexually abused on the first night that they sleep rough and 60 percent accuse police of sexually abusing them. "Children on the street are beaten, tortured, sexually assaulted, and sometimes killed," said Rana Asif Habib, head of the Initiator Human Development Foundation (IHDF). "Police (should) protect people. When policemen are themselves involved in molesting children, who will protect them?" he asks. "What we have gathered in our research is that policemen make up more than 60 percent of those who physically torment, sexually harass street children," said Anwer Kazmi of the Edhi Foundation, the country's largest charity. Karachi is home to Pakistan’s biggest community of street children -- tens of thousands of victims of domestic violence and broken homes, drugs and crime, in the steamy port city. More than 170,000 street children live on the streets across the country. Illiterate, uneducated and most without family, the children can grow into seasoned criminals, drug addicts or fall prey to Islamist militancy. When Nadeem turned 16, he tried to escape. He received counselling from a charity and was taught photography. He tried to make it his profession. "I was happy with my work, but a year ago, a policeman put me in the lockup on a false charge, confiscated my camera and abused me sexually," he said. The experience turned him against the world. "I decided to become stronger. Now I have my own gang and many influential people are my clients. No one can touch me now." Nadeem says he acts as a pimp to 10 teenage sex workers aged 14-18, taking a sizeable cut of whatever the boys in earn. "Half an hour after finishing with one client I get another call and I forget all about wanting a respectable life." Nadeem lives on a street in the downtown Saddar neighbourhood, but rents a room in a cheap hotel when he has surplus cash. He confesses that he too sexually assaulted a child. "He insulted me and my family so I told him he had it coming. So I grabbed him and gave it to him. I still remember that night. I haven't done that to anyone else since then and I don't want to." Rizwan is a fisherman's son. He insists he is 12, but he looks much younger. He left home three years ago because his family beat him and says he was abused by police. IHDF fears he too will be dragged into the sex industry. "The police tried to make me do bad things six or seven times but I managed to get away," he said. "But one day, one policeman took me by force, put a cloth over my mouth and took me to a place where he did bad things." Shaukat Hussain, head of police in Karachi's southern district where many street children live, said any officers found guilty would be punished, but denied the force was anything like as culpable as reported. "There are black sheep in our department who are involved in such acts. But we punish anyone whose crime comes to surface and is proved," he told AFP. "The number of policemen who are involved in such acts is far less than what is being claimed by the media and NGOs," he added. Pakistan offers little protection to vulnerable children. "A draft bill for child protection has been pending with the interior ministry for two years," a senior official of the human rights ministry told AFP on condition of anonymity as he was not authorised to talk to the media. The bill is designed to tighten the laws protecting children, bringing them in line with international conventions, doing more to help children in difficulty and bringing police and other offenders to book for abusing minors. "There is a visible lack of interest on the part of the government on this issue... despite our constant pursuits," said the ministry official. One former police official told AFP that he organised seminars to sensitise police on how to treat street children four years ago, but that the programme was abruptly abandoned when he retired. August 2011
Ramadan misery for Pakistan flood victims
BADIN: The holy month of Ramadan brought nothing but misery for over a million Pakistanis who fled for their lives when the recent rain-triggered floods washed away their homes, villages and livelihoods.
"How can we break the fast, when we have nothing to eat," asks Khateeja Khatoon, a mother of seven camped out under open skies.
The displaced and hungry people who watched flood waters swallow up their homes and crops wake up hungry everyday during the dawn-to-dusk fasting month in Pakistan.
Khatoon fled her village of Bhanbhaki in the southern province of Sindh, after flood that aid officials say has made more than a million people dependent on humanitarian aid for survival.
"We have nothing to eat, nothing to live in. We've been starving for days, so the start of Ramadan doesn't bring any joy.
"We used to celebrate Ramadan in a big way in our village, but my children and I are already starving. We need food, so we're already fasting in a way."
Last year's worst floods in the history put 21 million people facing direct or indirect harm. This time round too, officials warn that children are among the most vulnerable victims, with diarrhoea the biggest health threat.
"Our village drowned. Our homes and crops are ruined by floods. We are fighting a war of survival," said Amb, 50.
Living in the open in Khoski, Amb is desperate for his ten grandchildren who need urgent food assistance.
"It will be a great day when our children get food.
"I used to grow fruit and vegetables on my farm in a nearby village but now nobody is offering any help. Ramadan is a month of blessing, but no one is there to let us enjoy these blessings," he said with tears in his eyes. "All my memories seem to have been swept away by floods."
Authorities promised to provide cooked meals to flood victims during Ramadan and compensate families of those killed, but few on the ground said they had received assistance.
Islamic charity Jamaat-ud-Dawa, which features on a UN terrorism blacklist and whose involvement in relief has raised concerns in the United States, has also promised to provide iftar meals to the victims.
"We are helping out people in distress with all means available," said a Dawa relief worker.
Mohammad Hussain, 25, a labourer, says people feel betrayed by the government when they most need help.
"I never dreamt I'd be in such circumstances in the holy month. I fast for Allah during Ramadan but we're starving. The government is doing nothing to save our children from starvation."
Children also feel no excitement ahead of Eid-ul Fitr, the festival at the end of Ramadan traditionally celebrated with feasting, new clothes and cash gifts.
"We never celebrated with much joy because we're poor and can't afford expensive food, but at least we had food, shelter and water during Ramadan in the past," said 12-year-old Gul Mohammad.
"My father would bring us new clothes and shoes at Eid but not now. We left all of our belongings behind when our village flooded. It's difficult to survive, let alone celebrate."
"We're hungry and thirsty. My father and I tried to pick up labour but there are thousands like us on the streets hoping to earn something."
Devastating rains have triggered floods in southern Pakistan, affecting at least 1,200,000 people and forcing 100,000 from their homes, officials said.
Villages have been flooded and crops destroyed in Pakistan’s bread basket of Sindh province, one of the worst-hit areas in the unprecedented floods of 2010 that affected 21 million people and caused losses of $10 billion.
Tens of thousands of people are still living in emergency camps after last year’s floods and British charity Oxfam has accused Pakistan of failing to invest in prevention measures, making it vulnerable to further disaster.
Pakistan’s weak civilian government came under enormous criticism last year from victims of the floods who said ministers did little to help.
Liberal parties, Taliban anchors on the same page!
Conspiracy theories are abound on the notion of involving the army in Karachi's bloody game to quell the incessant violence. Apart from the opponents and proponents of the demand to introduce khakis in Karachi's bloody game, some conspiracy theorists oppose it because they fear that could put the military in a mire and may lead to international forces to intervene and make the metropolis a city of their desire! Interestingly, the Awami National Party (ANP) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) that had been staunch opponents and victims of the army operations - overtly or covertly - in civilian populations, desperately demand khakis to take over Karachi. The two parties must have seen a magical wand in the hands of General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani that can instantly make the city a haven and destroy the hovering evil. It gives an impression of a football match where sides have been changed for the competing teams in second half of the game. The ruling Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has been blamed for encouraging the military on several occasions in the past to settle civilian unrests. Critics blame the PPP for siding with dictators Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan and played catalyst to get Pakistan rid of its eastern wing. Peoples Party leadership sent soldiers to the hills of Balochistan and only take a lesson when a monster called Zia-ul-Haq put its leader ZA Bhutto in a body bag to his sizzling native town Garhi Khuda Bakhsh. President Zardari's ruling party now explicitly dismisses the demand of its allies to get the army involved to quell Karachi violence. For critics who take the PPP's reluctance by utter surprise seem to have a weak memory. It was Nawaz Sharif and not Benazir Bhutto who had ordered for a military operation in Karachi mainly against the MQM. Benazir had rather used the police to bring peace in the troubled town by assigning her macho minister Naseerullah Baabar to take over the proceedings. The wisdom behind using police to restore civilian order was not as complicated as Einstein's Theory of Relativity. Signifantly, that happened following army's latest failure -- for obvious reasons of course. Soldiers are trained to combat along the borders, consider the rival as a condemned enemy and moving in formations and fronts. That training bears no fruit when a soldier sees himself stuck up with the "enemies" around living in houses established in congested and dark alleys and bylanes. There are no fronts, no formations, no "strategic depth" and little intelligence. The most disheartening fact for soldiers is that their 'enemies' are not willing to combat in the manner they have been taught of. A hit-and-run guerilla technic is something that has always frightened the armies. It prolongs a war, frustrates the professional soldiers, consumes their skills and tools and fatigues them to the core. Pakistani army's defeats and retreats in Bangladesh, Balochistan, Khairpur Nathanshah and Karachi manifest the notion that a civilian unrest could only be quelled through civilian means and discourse. Like PPP, Nawaz Sharif is opposed to the military take over of Karachi showing he has learnt a lesson as well, with his misadventure in the country's largest city and economic engine. But, interestingly, on one side Chaudhry Nisar, the opposition leader in the National Assembly, is equally opposed to the military campaign, the PML-N leaders like Khawaja Asif and Mehtab Abbasi -- both are committed televengalists -- have ensured Kamran Khan, a civilian representing GHQ on Geo News, that they would convince Nawaz to support military in Sindh capital. Who wants the army to make a second stunt in Karachi? The MQM, the ANP, a section of business community, particularly the ones who rhyme with dominant political party in the city, and a band of anchorpersons of filthy private TV channels who are influencing their agenda on people, whose majority is apolitical, just desiring peace to make a safe living. As Imran Khan still swings in between, the Jamaat-e-Islami finds a shift in its earlier stance and now endorses the stance of Nawaz Sharif and JUI's Fazlur Rehman - not to send the army. The question arises whom the anchorpersons represent who are dying to see the thunder of boots on Karachi streets. The loyalties of the TV anchors - popularly known as members of the Taliban Union of Journalists - is unquestionably clear. Their mindset is clearly in marked contrast to the secular MQM and ANP. So, a common demand from the Taliban anchors and liberal political parties to invite armed forces in Karachi has done wonders to shrug off many ambiguities inside many. The riddle is solved and anyone can see who controls the puppet show. The corps commanders' 'concern' over the events in Karachi is not a distant past. So is the statemnt of the army chief showing his will to step in if the civilian government asked for it. The hue and cry spewing from TV screens is visibly something to rake the government over the coals and force it request the GHQ to enter the scene. Saner voices like that of Asma Jehangir were in a minority when she had opposed to bring peace through the long boots, but interestingly, her supporters are on the rise now after PML-N openly opposed an army operation. Let's see whether the Supreme Court brings peace in Karachi. Surely, taking cognizance of the killings by the Chief Justice has already booked his place on the front pages of newspapers.
Calls for army grow as Karachi week toll hits 101
Pakistani politicians, industrialists and citizens stepped up calls Tuesday for the army to intervene to quell violence destabilising Karachi, where more than 100 have been killed in a week. "We demand the armed forces take over the city, restore law and order and ensure safety to innocent people's lives," Khalid Tawab, vice president of the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI), told AFP. "Business activity has been disrupted because of incessant killing. People don't want to go to market because of risks to life," he said. Ethnic and criminal violence blamed on gangs has killed 101 people in the last week, the latest bout in the worst criminal and ethnic violence to hit Pakistan's largest city and financial capital for 16 years. "At least nine people were killed since Monday evening, so far 101 people have been killed since Wednesday morning," a senior security official told AFP on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to media. Security officials said they had found the bodies of victims who had been kidnapped and tortured, stuffed into sacks and thrown on the streets with notes warning of more violence. A government official working in the health department confirmed the casualties. The violence has been linked to ethnic tensions between the Mohajirs, the Urdu-speaking majority represented by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and Pashtun migrants affiliated to the Awami National Party (ANP). On Tuesday, markets were closed, streets deserted and attendance at offices thin after the MQM called for a "day of mourning" against the killings. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani on Monday flew to Karachi and asked the provincial government to restore peace as quickly as possible. Sharjeel Memon, Sindh provincial information minister, said a "surgical operation" was planned to end the violence. The main ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which was elected in 2008 after nine years of military rule, insists that civilian authorities are capable of controlling the situation. But members of other political parties are increasingly calling for army intervention, a sensitive issue in a country that has been ruled for more than half its existence by the military. "We want to see law and order in Karachi improve. Anyone, including the army, who can get results and improve the situation should take control," Wasay Jaleel, a spokesman for MQM, told AFP. "We demand the army across the board to restore peace here," ANP's provincial chief Shahi Syed told AFP on Tuesday. People on the streets also expressed dissatisfaction with the ability of the police and the paramilitaries, technically answerable to the interior ministry, to control the situation. "The armed forces should be deployed in Karachi, because police and paramilitaries have failed to save our lives," said Khalid Ali, 45, a shopkeeper in the main downtown market area that has seen some violence. "We feel no enthusiasm for the coming Eid (religious festival). Please, soldiers take the city in their hands and return smiles to our children," Noshaba Hameed, 37, a schoolteacher, told AFP by telephone from the east. Independent analysts said army's deployment would affect Pakistan's war on Taliban in its northwest and aggravate the situation further. "Army is already engaged in the war on militants in the northwest and its involvement in Karachi will weaken the war," Tauseef Ahmed Khan, a columnist, who teaches mass media in Urdu University, told AFP. "Only the police could restore law. The government should give a free hand to operate. That could make wonders," he said.
Wealth is not everything, for some at least
The history of Bunder Road, now MA Jinnah Road, would have been different altogether had one man not refused a “lucrative offer” given by his Englishman student some 150 years ago. Britishers have a history of adjusting themselves to the environs and culture of their conquered regions. After conquering Sindh in 1843, they decided to learn Sindhi. In Karachi, an angrez (British official), whose name is not known to history, hired Akhund Abdur Rahim, a primary schoolteacher, to learn Sindhi. A few months later, the angrez was able to express himself fluently in Sindhi with a British accent. “He was thrilled,” Abdul Hameed, great-grandson of Akhund Abdur Rahim, a resident of Lyari, said. “And made a unique offer to his teacher.” "The angrez got Akhund along on a Victoria and asked his subordinate, riding a horse to get off. “He then turned to the grandpa and asked him to get on the horse,” Hameed said. Akhund Rahim was confused, staring at his student with probing eyes. “Akhund Saab,” the angrez said, “Please, get on the horse and ride till it stops by itself. The distance that the horse covers will be your property.” They were standing at a point where now Boulton Market is situated and the horse was bound to gallop eastwards that now ends at Gurumandir. “What will I do with all that property,” Akhund said, “I don’t want to become a landlord; I am happy with reading, writing and teaching,” he had said. The Briton was amazed, saying: “Sir, this area is going to become the most expensive in Scinde (Sindh).” “So what!” said an unimpressed Akhund. Soon after this incident, still buried under the debris of unknown history, Bunder Road was built and became the economic hub of a city that was to inherit a cosmopolitan culture along the western borders of the subcontinent. The Akhund saved Karachi from succumbing to a single family –his own! Bunder Road conveniently catered to the needs of a little over 300,000 of Karachi’s population before it became the capital of Pakistan in 1947. Descendents of people living in the neighbourhood of Akhund Abdur Rahim say he was a saintly man, as their ancestors told them. “My grandpa said Akhund Saheb had the keys to fourth heaven and he used to travel there,” Ahmed Ali, who still lives in a rundown building in congested Mithadar, said. Akhund’s house was near the famous Madras Hotel. At the time of the partition of India, the Hindu owner of the hotel asked the Akhund’s grandson to take possession of the building. “He (the owner) even offered him to transfer the ownership rights in his name, but Akhund’s grandson turned down the offer, saying his grandpa’s soul would not be happy if he accepted something that did not belong to him,” said Ahmed Ali. After his death, Akhund Abdur Rahim was buried in Mewashah cemetery, but now it is difficult to locate his grave and is not easily accessible.
Domestically cruel!
To support her bedridden father and younger brother, Bano, a young girl from a lower- middle class family, worked at a bungalow as a housemaid. One day when she was busy in her work the house owner asked her to clean his room. The employer’s wife and other servants were out of the house. She considers that day the most horrifying in her life. “When I entered the room, he asked me to compromise on my modesty and when I refused he tried to assault me,” she says. Bano thinks herself lucky to have narrowly escaped the worst. She did not turn up again for work there. This is not a solitary incident. There are more. In fact, a lot more. It was for the sake of a mere Rs1,000 per month that 10-year-old Sonia silently endured beatings at the hands of her employers for over two years. She did not cry whenever her employer gave her a beating, as that would provoke her into hitting her more,” according to the girl. In a past incident, Saleem was a servant at a house in Gulshan-e-Iqbal. One day while serving tea to his master he broke cutlery by mistake. “He beat me with a stick so severely that I was unable to return home,” says Saleem, who lives in a one-roomed flat along with his parents in Machchar Colony. A neighbour saw him bleeding outside the apartment and had him shifted to a government hospital. “When my parents went my employer’s home, he pushed them out of his house and warned them not to report the incident to police,” Saleem says. Both these incidents went unreported. Bano now works at a local vocational centre and Saleem is a “Chhota” (apprentice) at an automobile workshop in Saddar. Another previous incident reported young housemaid, Asiya, was brought to Civil Hospital Karachi with fatal burns. She had allegedly been molested by son of her employers and was later set on fire. These incidents are only tip of the iceberg. There are hundreds of cases in which domestic workers were subjected to torment. This menace has now become a norm in our society. Thousands of women and children work as domestic employees and are victims of violence at workplaces. Ironically, despite the fact that the domestic servants work more than other labourers and employees, the local labour laws are too weak to protect them. “And there is no policy to safeguard the rights of these workers,” says a lawyer. He says due to lack of a proper regulatory system to protect the rights of domestic workers the incidents of violence against them are on the rise. “The government has made no protective legislation for domestic workers and thus the employers have been given a free hand to unleash a rein of terror against the hapless people,” says the lawyer. Hundreds of thousands of young maids in the country are suffering the worst kind of atrocities, including sexual assaults by their employers, but they do not muster enough courage to speak out, due to fear of social stigma, as well as the influence and clout of their employers. For safety of these vulnerable individuals, a law needs to be promulgated. “The current labour laws fail to define domestic workers,” says the lawyer.
Brutality, impunity for Pakistan's paramilitary
by Hasan Mansoor
The killing of an unarmed youth in a public park by uniformed officers in Karachi highlights the reputation for brutality of Pakistani security forces in a violent city where murders are commonplace. Answerable to the interior ministry, more than 12,000 paramilitary troops patrol the financial capital and its surroundings to combat ethnic, political and Islamist violence. But the violence has only got worse. By any measure, the killing of 19-year-old Sarfaraz Shah, falsely accused by a civilian of committing robbery, was horrific, all the more so for being captured live on camera and broadcast around the clock on national television. In the footage, a clean-shaven man pleads for his life before being shot twice in the hand and thigh. As his blood poured out of his wounds, the soldiers appear to do nothing but watch as Shah falls unconscious. The shooter and his five uniformed comrades and a civilian were arrested and tried in an anti-terrorism court, which sentenced him to death and awarded life sentence to the rest. The decision has been challenged in a superior court. "This is completely against humanity. What the Rangers did is unacceptable because by this way they can even kill small children in streets and say that they were dacoits," said cab driver Ameer Khan, using an Anglo-Indian colloquialism which refers to members of armed gangs. In a rare move, Pakistan has since removed from their jobs the heads of the police and Rangers in Sindh province, of which Karachi is the capital. Authorities are also investigating the killings of five unarmed Chechens, one of them a pregnant woman, by security forces in the city of Quetta. Accusations of several hundred extrajudicial killings dog the military in the northwestern district of Swat, where troops fought to put down a Taliban insurgency in towns and villages in 2009. Human rights activists say units such as the Rangers, originally established for combat and border duty, are neither equipped nor trained for civilian areas. "The paramilitaries consider themselves accountable only to the army and that civilians are inferior. Therein lies the problem," said Zohra Yusuf, chairwoman of the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). "As their stay in the city gets longer, the situation worsens," she added. "Paramilitaries are appointed to cities having had just basic combat training. They should be sensitised with specialised human rights courses to help them adjust." According to the HRCP, 800 people have been killed in targeted shootings in Karachi so far this year, compared to 748 last year. A fresh bout of assassinations blamed on political tensions has left 70 people dead in the last three days. Islamist militant violence is also on the rise in Karachi, a chaotic city of 16 million people whose port is a vital hub for NATO supplies bound for Afghanistan. Shrines have been attacked, a police headquarters bombed. In the last two months, a Saudi diplomat was shot dead, the Saudi consulate targeted by grenades and the naval base held up. It took the navy 17 hours to fight off a handful of militants who killed 10 security officials and destroyed two US-made aircraft. Yet in the vast city, a magnet for economic migrants where the government says the population increases by 500,000 each year, 28,000 police are simply incapable of enforcing law and order. Therefore officials say the Rangers are needed to help patrol the streets, safeguard government buildings and diplomatic missions, and to be on call in the event of riots, bombings or shootings. "The paramilitary forces were meant to assist the civilian administration for a shorter and specific time, but here they have been engaged for two decades," said provincial government adviser Kaisar Bengali. According to government figures, Pakistan has 350,000 policemen -- one for every 500 people -- with significant numbers diverted to secure government officials, politicians and top civil servants. "Our province doesn't have enough money to spend on capacity-building the police and we have no such programme," said Bengali. Sharfuddin Memon, an expert on policing in the provincial government, said there was a serious trust deficit between the law enforcement agencies and the people, and called for accountability through public safety commissions. In the working-class, government loyalist stronghold of Lyari, Pakistan People's Party (PPP) workers have staged demonstrations accusing the Rangers of killing two locals in a shooting last month. But government officials insist the park killing was an isolated incident by rogue officers that does not reflect an institutionalised brutality. "We shouldn't blame the institution," Sharjeel Memon, Sindh's information minister, said. "The Rangers have made a spectacular contribution to maintaining law and order," he said.
The killing of an unarmed youth in a public park by uniformed officers in Karachi highlights the reputation for brutality of Pakistani security forces in a violent city where murders are commonplace. Answerable to the interior ministry, more than 12,000 paramilitary troops patrol the financial capital and its surroundings to combat ethnic, political and Islamist violence. But the violence has only got worse. By any measure, the killing of 19-year-old Sarfaraz Shah, falsely accused by a civilian of committing robbery, was horrific, all the more so for being captured live on camera and broadcast around the clock on national television. In the footage, a clean-shaven man pleads for his life before being shot twice in the hand and thigh. As his blood poured out of his wounds, the soldiers appear to do nothing but watch as Shah falls unconscious. The shooter and his five uniformed comrades and a civilian were arrested and tried in an anti-terrorism court, which sentenced him to death and awarded life sentence to the rest. The decision has been challenged in a superior court. "This is completely against humanity. What the Rangers did is unacceptable because by this way they can even kill small children in streets and say that they were dacoits," said cab driver Ameer Khan, using an Anglo-Indian colloquialism which refers to members of armed gangs. In a rare move, Pakistan has since removed from their jobs the heads of the police and Rangers in Sindh province, of which Karachi is the capital. Authorities are also investigating the killings of five unarmed Chechens, one of them a pregnant woman, by security forces in the city of Quetta. Accusations of several hundred extrajudicial killings dog the military in the northwestern district of Swat, where troops fought to put down a Taliban insurgency in towns and villages in 2009. Human rights activists say units such as the Rangers, originally established for combat and border duty, are neither equipped nor trained for civilian areas. "The paramilitaries consider themselves accountable only to the army and that civilians are inferior. Therein lies the problem," said Zohra Yusuf, chairwoman of the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). "As their stay in the city gets longer, the situation worsens," she added. "Paramilitaries are appointed to cities having had just basic combat training. They should be sensitised with specialised human rights courses to help them adjust." According to the HRCP, 800 people have been killed in targeted shootings in Karachi so far this year, compared to 748 last year. A fresh bout of assassinations blamed on political tensions has left 70 people dead in the last three days. Islamist militant violence is also on the rise in Karachi, a chaotic city of 16 million people whose port is a vital hub for NATO supplies bound for Afghanistan. Shrines have been attacked, a police headquarters bombed. In the last two months, a Saudi diplomat was shot dead, the Saudi consulate targeted by grenades and the naval base held up. It took the navy 17 hours to fight off a handful of militants who killed 10 security officials and destroyed two US-made aircraft. Yet in the vast city, a magnet for economic migrants where the government says the population increases by 500,000 each year, 28,000 police are simply incapable of enforcing law and order. Therefore officials say the Rangers are needed to help patrol the streets, safeguard government buildings and diplomatic missions, and to be on call in the event of riots, bombings or shootings. "The paramilitary forces were meant to assist the civilian administration for a shorter and specific time, but here they have been engaged for two decades," said provincial government adviser Kaisar Bengali. According to government figures, Pakistan has 350,000 policemen -- one for every 500 people -- with significant numbers diverted to secure government officials, politicians and top civil servants. "Our province doesn't have enough money to spend on capacity-building the police and we have no such programme," said Bengali. Sharfuddin Memon, an expert on policing in the provincial government, said there was a serious trust deficit between the law enforcement agencies and the people, and called for accountability through public safety commissions. In the working-class, government loyalist stronghold of Lyari, Pakistan People's Party (PPP) workers have staged demonstrations accusing the Rangers of killing two locals in a shooting last month. But government officials insist the park killing was an isolated incident by rogue officers that does not reflect an institutionalised brutality. "We shouldn't blame the institution," Sharjeel Memon, Sindh's information minister, said. "The Rangers have made a spectacular contribution to maintaining law and order," he said.
65 killed in Karachi violence
Ethnic and criminal violence blamed on gangs has killed 65 people in Pakistan's financial capital of Karachi, with police the latest victims shot dead in a brazen ambush, officials said Saturday. The government has been left struggling for solutions to the worst wave of unrest to sweep the city in 16 years as extra deployments of police and paramilitary officers appear unable to stem the troubles. Spiralling unrest is a major source of concern in Pakistan's biggest city, which is used by NATO to ship the bulk of its supplies to troops fighting in Afghanistan and which accounts for around a fifth of the country's GDP. The violence has been linked to ethnic tensions between the Mohajirs, the Urdu-speaking majority represented by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and Pashtun migrants affiliated to the Awami National Party (ANP). Gunmen ambushed police late on Friday, sparking gunbattles in which four officers were killed and more than 30 others wounded, officials said, bringing the death toll to 65 since Wednesday morning. The police commandos, dressed in plain clothes, were targeted in the eastern neighbourhood of Korangi, which had previously been immune from the troubles. "These policemen were in a van going on a raid on a tip-off when they were intercepted by armed men who started firing, injuring many policemen," senior police official Shaukat Hussain told AFP. "The police returned fire and at least one attacker has been killed." Television footage showed injured policemen being carried by their comrades and local residents into ambulances and private vehicles heading to hospital. "Our hospital has received 32 injured policemen, four of whom are critically injured. They all have gunshot wounds," said Seemin Jamali, spokeswoman for the Jinnah Post Graduate Medical Centre. Karachi city police chief Saud Mirza told AFP that four policemen were killed. Speaking after the funerals of the dead policeman on Saturday, provincial police chief Wajid Durrani said two of the attackers who fired at the police van were arrested. "We have caught two attackers and we are interrogating them about others," Durrani said, adding that 18 people who were kidnapped on Friday had been retrieved by police. Provincial home minister Manzoor Wasan said he could not give details about which parties or ethnic groups were involved in the violence, but said that "some 100 suspects had been arrested so far". Witnesses in Korangi said there were pockets of intense gunfire between armed groups with ordinary people too frightened to leave home. Dominated by Urdu speakers, the area also has Pashtun, Baluch and Sindhi populations. Karachi, currently a city of 18 million inhabitants and the country's economic powerhouse, has seen its population explode since independence in 1947. Its neighbourhoods have been swollen by a huge influx of migrants from across the country, but particularly the deprived Pashtun northwest, looking for jobs and more recently to escape Taliban and Al-Qaeda-linked violence. Speaking off the record because they were not authorised to release the information to the media, two security officials confirmed that 65 people had now died in violence in Karachi since Wednesday morning. The city's worst-affected areas are impoverished and heavily populated neighbourhoods where most of the criminal gangs are believed to be hiding. Independent economist A.B. Shahid estimated that 20 percent of the city's business was shut down on Thursday with markets closed in southern neighbourhoods to protest against extortion money demanded by criminal gangs. Underlining the brutality of the violence, one security official said bodies of those kidnapped and killed had been stuffed in sacks before being dumped in various parts of the city. He said the bullet-riddled bodies of four young men who worked for a mobile phone company had been found in a van with their hands and feet trussed in the impoverished Shershah neighbourhood. "At least 20 killed on Thursday were kidnapped and tortured by armed gangsters. Their bodies were later stuffed in sacks and thrown away in different areas," the security official told AFP on condition of anonymity. Notes had been left inside the pockets of clothes worn by some of the victims that read "Want more bodies?", the official said. The independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan said 800 people have been killed in Karachi so far this year, compared with 748 in 2010.
Karachi has Mumbai within!
By Hasan Mansoor
Before Sindh’s separation from the Bombay Presidency, Karachi was considered to be a replica of Mumbai in many ways, particularly its architecture and markets, as historians put it. Historians say the British used labour from Mumbai to build a port in Karachi more than a century ago which is evident from the striking resemblance between the dock areas of Karachi and Mumbai. When the British decided to build a port in Karachi, they brought in labour from Mumbai. Probably that accounts for the fact that the dock areas of the two cities look similar. And there are many places which have lost their original colour but are still named after Bombay (not Mumbai). Bombay Bazaar is one of the oldest market places in the city and was named so because the traders here had century-old relations with their counterparts in Mumbai. It deals with all sorts of things. One can buy textile goods and sophisticated clothes manufactured in Pakistan. Besides, grocery markets, wholesale markets for cosmetics and food outlets are its main features. Its most prominent feature, which distinguishes it from the rest of the city markets, is that it is a hub of the “khepias” (carriers who carry out export-import in personal baggage) who take bundles of Pakistani textiles to Mumbai and on their return carry Indian manufactured items that are in high demand in Pakistan, particularly ointments, dry fruits and cosmetics. Shopkeepers and carriers call it the “done” business. Shopkeepers in Karachi and Mumbai are well connected for the business. The Karachi carriers are given contacts of the Mumbai shopkeepers for the sale of Pakistani goods and a similar arrangement is for the Mumbai shopkeepers who give contacts of their Pakistani counterparts to the Indian carriers. Whenever a “cold war” resumes between the two countries this business gets affected, but it gets boost when the enemies opt to get closer. Bombay Hotel is situated in the heart of the city at McLeod Road. Built before the Partition, the building has become a landmark for the city. It has an old and less-impressive structure, but it housed a number of regional newspapers, magazines and small publishing houses. It has been sold to a builder and may become history any time! Karachi has also a Bombay Town in its North Nazimabad area where a large number of people originally belonging to Mumbai live. There is a Kokan Society named after a town near Mumbai. It is inhabited by the people hailing from that part of India. The old and famous Bombay Dyeing on Napier Road has lost its charm and also most of its clientele. Late Omar Kureishi, a world-acclaimed sports writer who grew up in Mumbai and moved to Karachi, once said: “Both cities have a strong cosmopolitan character, despite Karachi having a vast desert hinterland and being ridden by sectarian violence. So in this sisterly relationship between the two cities, Mumbai has become the dominant sibling.” It is not just sectarian violence to mourn. Almost 1,000 people have been violently killed so far this year on ethnic grounds. July has been the most violent month so far since 1995, which saw 324 people killed. All poor and innocent! August 2011
Before Sindh’s separation from the Bombay Presidency, Karachi was considered to be a replica of Mumbai in many ways, particularly its architecture and markets, as historians put it. Historians say the British used labour from Mumbai to build a port in Karachi more than a century ago which is evident from the striking resemblance between the dock areas of Karachi and Mumbai. When the British decided to build a port in Karachi, they brought in labour from Mumbai. Probably that accounts for the fact that the dock areas of the two cities look similar. And there are many places which have lost their original colour but are still named after Bombay (not Mumbai). Bombay Bazaar is one of the oldest market places in the city and was named so because the traders here had century-old relations with their counterparts in Mumbai. It deals with all sorts of things. One can buy textile goods and sophisticated clothes manufactured in Pakistan. Besides, grocery markets, wholesale markets for cosmetics and food outlets are its main features. Its most prominent feature, which distinguishes it from the rest of the city markets, is that it is a hub of the “khepias” (carriers who carry out export-import in personal baggage) who take bundles of Pakistani textiles to Mumbai and on their return carry Indian manufactured items that are in high demand in Pakistan, particularly ointments, dry fruits and cosmetics. Shopkeepers and carriers call it the “done” business. Shopkeepers in Karachi and Mumbai are well connected for the business. The Karachi carriers are given contacts of the Mumbai shopkeepers for the sale of Pakistani goods and a similar arrangement is for the Mumbai shopkeepers who give contacts of their Pakistani counterparts to the Indian carriers. Whenever a “cold war” resumes between the two countries this business gets affected, but it gets boost when the enemies opt to get closer. Bombay Hotel is situated in the heart of the city at McLeod Road. Built before the Partition, the building has become a landmark for the city. It has an old and less-impressive structure, but it housed a number of regional newspapers, magazines and small publishing houses. It has been sold to a builder and may become history any time! Karachi has also a Bombay Town in its North Nazimabad area where a large number of people originally belonging to Mumbai live. There is a Kokan Society named after a town near Mumbai. It is inhabited by the people hailing from that part of India. The old and famous Bombay Dyeing on Napier Road has lost its charm and also most of its clientele. Late Omar Kureishi, a world-acclaimed sports writer who grew up in Mumbai and moved to Karachi, once said: “Both cities have a strong cosmopolitan character, despite Karachi having a vast desert hinterland and being ridden by sectarian violence. So in this sisterly relationship between the two cities, Mumbai has become the dominant sibling.” It is not just sectarian violence to mourn. Almost 1,000 people have been violently killed so far this year on ethnic grounds. July has been the most violent month so far since 1995, which saw 324 people killed. All poor and innocent! August 2011
Pakistan floods make 60,000 homeless
By Hasan Mansoor
Devastating rains have triggered floods in southern Pakistan, affecting at least 700,000 people and forcing 60,000 from their homes, officials said Wednesday. Villages have been flooded and crops destroyed in Pakistan's bread basket of Sindh province, one of the worst-hit areas in the unprecedented floods of 2010 that affected 21 million people and caused losses of $10 billion. "At least 700,000 people have been affected by the floods caused by the recent rains in the six districts of Sindh province," Sajjad Haider Shah, an official in the provincial disaster management authority, told AFP. "Some 60,000 people have been rendered homeless, who have migrated to safer areas," Shah said, adding that 30 people had been killed in the past week. Another senior government official confirmed the number of people affected. Sindh chief minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah told reporters overnight that one million people had been affected, but provided no details. Tens of thousands of people are still living in emergency camps after last year's floods and British charity Oxfam has accused Pakistan of failing to invest in prevention measures, making it vulnerable to further disaster. The army and navy are using helicopters and boats to rescue people who are trapped by the fresh floodwaters, said Kazim Jatoi, the chief administrator in Badin district. "The soldiers of the army and navy are relentlessly shifting people from the dangerous places to the safer areas," Jatoi said. Pakistan's weak civilian government came under enormous criticism last year from victims of the floods who said ministers did little to help. The army has also been working to rehabilitate itself after facing an unprecedented backlash over the covert American raid that killed Osama bin Laden on the doorstep of its top military academy on May 2. Pakistan's largest charity, the Edhi Foundation, called for a comprehensive relief effort Wednesday to help those at risk. "We are providing food and necessary items to the people to survive, but that is not much and more people and organisations will have to intervene in the situation," Edhi Foundation's Anwer Kazmi told AFP. Jatoi said makeshift relief camps had been set up in 150 school buildings, but said there was an urgent need for tents and food. "We are trying to provide every family a shelter, which requires a large number of tents." Shah, the disaster management authority official, said crops had been destroyed and houses flooded. "Badin is the most affected district, where more than half the total people have been displaced," he said. Rains have also caused havoc in the districts of Tando Mohammad Khan, Mirpurkhas, Thar, Umerkot and Tando Allahyar. The meteorological office has forecast more rain in coming days. August 17, 2011
Devastating rains have triggered floods in southern Pakistan, affecting at least 700,000 people and forcing 60,000 from their homes, officials said Wednesday. Villages have been flooded and crops destroyed in Pakistan's bread basket of Sindh province, one of the worst-hit areas in the unprecedented floods of 2010 that affected 21 million people and caused losses of $10 billion. "At least 700,000 people have been affected by the floods caused by the recent rains in the six districts of Sindh province," Sajjad Haider Shah, an official in the provincial disaster management authority, told AFP. "Some 60,000 people have been rendered homeless, who have migrated to safer areas," Shah said, adding that 30 people had been killed in the past week. Another senior government official confirmed the number of people affected. Sindh chief minister Syed Qaim Ali Shah told reporters overnight that one million people had been affected, but provided no details. Tens of thousands of people are still living in emergency camps after last year's floods and British charity Oxfam has accused Pakistan of failing to invest in prevention measures, making it vulnerable to further disaster. The army and navy are using helicopters and boats to rescue people who are trapped by the fresh floodwaters, said Kazim Jatoi, the chief administrator in Badin district. "The soldiers of the army and navy are relentlessly shifting people from the dangerous places to the safer areas," Jatoi said. Pakistan's weak civilian government came under enormous criticism last year from victims of the floods who said ministers did little to help. The army has also been working to rehabilitate itself after facing an unprecedented backlash over the covert American raid that killed Osama bin Laden on the doorstep of its top military academy on May 2. Pakistan's largest charity, the Edhi Foundation, called for a comprehensive relief effort Wednesday to help those at risk. "We are providing food and necessary items to the people to survive, but that is not much and more people and organisations will have to intervene in the situation," Edhi Foundation's Anwer Kazmi told AFP. Jatoi said makeshift relief camps had been set up in 150 school buildings, but said there was an urgent need for tents and food. "We are trying to provide every family a shelter, which requires a large number of tents." Shah, the disaster management authority official, said crops had been destroyed and houses flooded. "Badin is the most affected district, where more than half the total people have been displaced," he said. Rains have also caused havoc in the districts of Tando Mohammad Khan, Mirpurkhas, Thar, Umerkot and Tando Allahyar. The meteorological office has forecast more rain in coming days. August 17, 2011
Wednesday, December 21, 2011
Educated youths find ‘jobs’ in criminal gangs
By Hasan Mansoor
Nasir is one of many graduates who are involved in street crimes. He faces a case of car hijacking and does not hesitate to say that the number of educated youth involved in organised crimes is bound to increase. “I am a graduate and left no stone unturned to get a job to support my parents, but I could not get one,” he said. Nasir was recently arrested along with two of his accomplices during an abortive attempt to snatch mobile phones from a shop in the city. Police investigators say he was part of a gang that was also involved in car hijacking. “I could not bear an idle life seeing my aging parents working to support me,” an investigator quoted Nasir as saying. The police are witnessing a phenomenal increase in the number of educated youth in street crime and their number in car hijacking and snatching of mobile phones is the highest. A report of the Anti Car-Lifting Cell (ACLC) of the Sindh police reveals that some of the accused arrested in a year are holders of master’s and bachelor’s degrees. Of around 300 suspects involved in such crimes, six hold master’s degree and 27 of them are graduates. The report said 20 of the youngsters arrested on a charge of being members of car-lifting gangs are intermediate and 35 of them are matriculates. Experts at the Citizen-Police Liaison Committee (CPLC), which has been dealing with car hijacking in the city since 1990, has expressed concerns about the increasing trend of educated youth joining criminal gangs and has held joblessness as the main culprit. “It is nothing but the increasing unemployment and poverty, which is forcing our educated youth to take to crime,” Sharfuddin Memon, ex-chief of the Citizen-Police Liaison Committee (CPLC), which has been dealing with car hijacking in the city since 1990, says. ACLC officials have similar findings to share. “During investigations, we ask these young men what made them to take to crime and they reply that despite getting such degrees they failed to find any jobs to support their families,” says an investigator. Hundreds of graduates had applied for the post of police constables. Most of the applications sent by job aspirants were not accepted because some senior police officials did not find it fit to “dump” such educated lot into a mess, a job that requires hardly matriculates. “Our requirement is matriculation and we decided not to spoil such educated lot by making them constables,” says a police official. Police hierarchy’s ‘sincerity’, however, failed to bring respite to our educated youth. In fact, asking them to apply for a job in keeping with their degrees is also an injustice being done by our authorities to these youngsters. The fact is that they do not get jobs in keeping with their qualification at government and private establishments. Young people with fresh degrees from universities and other educational institutions are in the market waiting endlessly for jobs, but they find no job. The prevailing economic stagnation is one important cause of rising unemployment.
Nasir is one of many graduates who are involved in street crimes. He faces a case of car hijacking and does not hesitate to say that the number of educated youth involved in organised crimes is bound to increase. “I am a graduate and left no stone unturned to get a job to support my parents, but I could not get one,” he said. Nasir was recently arrested along with two of his accomplices during an abortive attempt to snatch mobile phones from a shop in the city. Police investigators say he was part of a gang that was also involved in car hijacking. “I could not bear an idle life seeing my aging parents working to support me,” an investigator quoted Nasir as saying. The police are witnessing a phenomenal increase in the number of educated youth in street crime and their number in car hijacking and snatching of mobile phones is the highest. A report of the Anti Car-Lifting Cell (ACLC) of the Sindh police reveals that some of the accused arrested in a year are holders of master’s and bachelor’s degrees. Of around 300 suspects involved in such crimes, six hold master’s degree and 27 of them are graduates. The report said 20 of the youngsters arrested on a charge of being members of car-lifting gangs are intermediate and 35 of them are matriculates. Experts at the Citizen-Police Liaison Committee (CPLC), which has been dealing with car hijacking in the city since 1990, has expressed concerns about the increasing trend of educated youth joining criminal gangs and has held joblessness as the main culprit. “It is nothing but the increasing unemployment and poverty, which is forcing our educated youth to take to crime,” Sharfuddin Memon, ex-chief of the Citizen-Police Liaison Committee (CPLC), which has been dealing with car hijacking in the city since 1990, says. ACLC officials have similar findings to share. “During investigations, we ask these young men what made them to take to crime and they reply that despite getting such degrees they failed to find any jobs to support their families,” says an investigator. Hundreds of graduates had applied for the post of police constables. Most of the applications sent by job aspirants were not accepted because some senior police officials did not find it fit to “dump” such educated lot into a mess, a job that requires hardly matriculates. “Our requirement is matriculation and we decided not to spoil such educated lot by making them constables,” says a police official. Police hierarchy’s ‘sincerity’, however, failed to bring respite to our educated youth. In fact, asking them to apply for a job in keeping with their degrees is also an injustice being done by our authorities to these youngsters. The fact is that they do not get jobs in keeping with their qualification at government and private establishments. Young people with fresh degrees from universities and other educational institutions are in the market waiting endlessly for jobs, but they find no job. The prevailing economic stagnation is one important cause of rising unemployment.
Tales of Aurangi’s hidden spring and Karachi’s kotiro
Some amateur archaeologists exploring the fast vanishing traces of ancient Sindh have failed to find a mountain spring that was once discovered by British officials before partition of the subcontinent in the city’s western hills that, at that time, was part of an area called Deh Aurangi or Audangi, now spelt as Orangi. “Someone has told me that it is still there, but has become part of some private property,” a traveller and explorer says. In their writings British officials and noted archaeologists, including Pithawala, Majumdar and Carter, had cited many wonderful traces and evidences of ancient life in these hills that have now become one of Karachi’s most populous and violent areas and is inhabited by around a million souls. In their decades-old writings the British explorers reported about traces of prehistoric times in the city’s mountainous western part, which even included evidences of stone-age human life. Some classic English writings have also cited the presence of a spring there since times immemorial. Local archaeologists and anthropologists had been reckoning such writings merely based on imagination until recently. But someone informed Badar Abro, an amateur archaeologist and traveller, that the spring really existed and was part of one of thousands of houses dotting the thickly-populated area now called Orangi. “An enthusiast like me is always in the hunt for something new, newly found or unexplored and this information had really excited me,” Abro says. But no one, including Abro, has yet found the actual location of the legendary spring. But, Abro says, this spring is not the only historic location that has been ruined by the city’s unplanned growth and discusses many more which are no longer in sight now. In this connection Abro terms the disappearance of kotiro (houses of pre-Islamic Sindhis made up of huge blocks carved out from the hills and mountains). “I have read about their presence in abundance in Sindh and archaeologists found plenty of kotiro (a Sindhi word meaning a little fort) in the suburbs of then sparsely populated little Karachi,” Abro says. According to him, people of ancient Sindh would get stones from mountains, carve large blocks and use them with fine stone pitching to establish their kotiro. Each block was that much heavier that four to five people could carry it. “I visited various locations to find such kotiro, but now they are no more extant,” Abro says. Some experts say there was a kotiro with traces of a temple near Hawkesbay and it has also vanished now. Archaeologists generally believe the mafias involved in illegal breaking of stones from mountains have also played a monstrous role to ruin history. They saw fine stones present everywhere with no one there to stop them from destroying history and they literally destroyed history,” says an expert.
Children on frontline of Pakistan economic crisis
by Hasan Mansoor
Abdus Sattar Edhi remembers a tearful mother who agonised over whether or not to abandon her three-year-old son to charity after her husband lost his job. "Three years ago, we used to receive a couple of kids across the country a day, but the number is rising mainly because our people's economic situation is weakening," said Edhi, who heads the charitable Edhi Foundation. "Now we receive one or two kids every day just in Karachi, and across the country five or six," he said. On the porch outside the charity's head office in Pakistan's depressed economic capital of Karachi, metal cradles hang from chains beneath a sign that reads: "Do not kill, lay them here." Parents lay up to 40 children a month in the cradles -- a heartbreaking indication of just how tough it has become to feed and clothe families in a country where the economic situation is worsening almost daily. Already reeling from years of constant bomb attacks, regional insurgencies, and battles between government troops and Islamist extremists in the northwest, Pakistani economy has little positives to offer to its 170 million population. Food prices have soared and overall inflation is rising again after a brief decline from all-time high 25 percent in 2009. In November 2009, the International Monetary Fund approved a 7.6 billion-dollar bail-out package to stabilise Pakistan's economy and avoid a balance of payments crisis and defaults on foreign loans. Pakistan's crippling energy shortages have been blamed on corruption, short-sightedness, debts, a creaking distribution system and a lack of money or refusal to invest public funds in renewable energy as demand grows. Pakistan produces only around 80 percent of its electricity needs and each year as temperatures rise towards 50 degrees Celsius (122 Fahrenheit), furious crowds riot across the country, heaping pressure on the unpopular government. White-collar jobs are also disappearing as managers struggle to keep businesses afloat. According to Edhi, this was the undoing of Jehan Ara, who in floods of tears lay her toddler in a crib as she could no longer to afford to care for him. "She said 'I'm leaving him until we have the means to raise him. His father is a labourer who has lost his job in a mill and my earnings are not enough to feed him and my two older kids'," Edhi remembered. The foundation runs 18 centres across the country, housing more than 2,000 children at any one time. In Karachi, there are about 200. The children live in dormitories, attend school classes, share a communal play area and go on monthly outings. Sometimes, Edhi said, the children ask where their parents are. "Someone threw me in the cradle and I've been here ever since. It is now my family," says Mohsin, who is nicknamed Kaka, meaning little boy. Anwer Kazmi, an official at Edhi's foundation, said there are 320 cradles outside Edhi offices nationwide, including 40 in Karachi. -- As times getting tougher, more children are left -- Pakistan has suffered from crushing poverty since it was created almost 64 years ago when a century of British rule ended. Today it is number 125 on the UN's human development index of 169 countries. Pakistan's gross domestic product (GDP) has plunged to 2 percent in the current fiscal year, which was six percent at its peak in 2008. "If people stop leaving their children at my doorstep it would show Pakistan is on the path of prosperity," said Edhi. "But since cradles are continuously filling at my centres, I don't see it happening in near future." On the pavement outside a nearby restaurant, kitchen staff set down lentil soup and bread -- charity for the children. Kaiser Bengali, an economist and former member of the government's economic council, said 40 percent of Pakistan's population live on one dollar a day or less. The government puts the figure at 33 percent. Food prices that have increased manifold since 2005 only made the poor poorer, Bengali said. Imran Ali, 32, worked in a knitwear factory in Karachi's slum neighbourhood of Korangi, where he earned 200-300 rupees (2.5 to 3.6 dollars) a day depending on how many shirts he stitched, until his services were terminated. "I am a father of four and can't afford to live without working. It's impossible to find a job anywhere now and people like me don't have the savings to start working independently," he said. With little hope of finding another job, he says his family depends on what his 14-year-old son earns selling flowers at traffic lights to supplement his wife's salary as a maid. "Their earnings are too little to buy bread for all and keep the other kids in school," he said. Pakistan, which has watched arch rival India embark on the path to prosperity and regional superpower status, was slapped with heavy sanctions after going nuclear in 1998, further suffocating economic development. Former president Pervez Musharraf's decision within hours of the September 11, 2001 attacks to back the US-led "war on terror" saw Washington pump in 10 billion dollars of aid money and cancel billions more in foreign debt. Economists warn against a vicious cycle, saying mounting economic problems boost civil disturbances and fan the flames of militancy. The government has blamed the economic woes on the fight against terrorism, but many ordinary people accuse the authorities of squandering aid money.
Abdus Sattar Edhi remembers a tearful mother who agonised over whether or not to abandon her three-year-old son to charity after her husband lost his job. "Three years ago, we used to receive a couple of kids across the country a day, but the number is rising mainly because our people's economic situation is weakening," said Edhi, who heads the charitable Edhi Foundation. "Now we receive one or two kids every day just in Karachi, and across the country five or six," he said. On the porch outside the charity's head office in Pakistan's depressed economic capital of Karachi, metal cradles hang from chains beneath a sign that reads: "Do not kill, lay them here." Parents lay up to 40 children a month in the cradles -- a heartbreaking indication of just how tough it has become to feed and clothe families in a country where the economic situation is worsening almost daily. Already reeling from years of constant bomb attacks, regional insurgencies, and battles between government troops and Islamist extremists in the northwest, Pakistani economy has little positives to offer to its 170 million population. Food prices have soared and overall inflation is rising again after a brief decline from all-time high 25 percent in 2009. In November 2009, the International Monetary Fund approved a 7.6 billion-dollar bail-out package to stabilise Pakistan's economy and avoid a balance of payments crisis and defaults on foreign loans. Pakistan's crippling energy shortages have been blamed on corruption, short-sightedness, debts, a creaking distribution system and a lack of money or refusal to invest public funds in renewable energy as demand grows. Pakistan produces only around 80 percent of its electricity needs and each year as temperatures rise towards 50 degrees Celsius (122 Fahrenheit), furious crowds riot across the country, heaping pressure on the unpopular government. White-collar jobs are also disappearing as managers struggle to keep businesses afloat. According to Edhi, this was the undoing of Jehan Ara, who in floods of tears lay her toddler in a crib as she could no longer to afford to care for him. "She said 'I'm leaving him until we have the means to raise him. His father is a labourer who has lost his job in a mill and my earnings are not enough to feed him and my two older kids'," Edhi remembered. The foundation runs 18 centres across the country, housing more than 2,000 children at any one time. In Karachi, there are about 200. The children live in dormitories, attend school classes, share a communal play area and go on monthly outings. Sometimes, Edhi said, the children ask where their parents are. "Someone threw me in the cradle and I've been here ever since. It is now my family," says Mohsin, who is nicknamed Kaka, meaning little boy. Anwer Kazmi, an official at Edhi's foundation, said there are 320 cradles outside Edhi offices nationwide, including 40 in Karachi. -- As times getting tougher, more children are left -- Pakistan has suffered from crushing poverty since it was created almost 64 years ago when a century of British rule ended. Today it is number 125 on the UN's human development index of 169 countries. Pakistan's gross domestic product (GDP) has plunged to 2 percent in the current fiscal year, which was six percent at its peak in 2008. "If people stop leaving their children at my doorstep it would show Pakistan is on the path of prosperity," said Edhi. "But since cradles are continuously filling at my centres, I don't see it happening in near future." On the pavement outside a nearby restaurant, kitchen staff set down lentil soup and bread -- charity for the children. Kaiser Bengali, an economist and former member of the government's economic council, said 40 percent of Pakistan's population live on one dollar a day or less. The government puts the figure at 33 percent. Food prices that have increased manifold since 2005 only made the poor poorer, Bengali said. Imran Ali, 32, worked in a knitwear factory in Karachi's slum neighbourhood of Korangi, where he earned 200-300 rupees (2.5 to 3.6 dollars) a day depending on how many shirts he stitched, until his services were terminated. "I am a father of four and can't afford to live without working. It's impossible to find a job anywhere now and people like me don't have the savings to start working independently," he said. With little hope of finding another job, he says his family depends on what his 14-year-old son earns selling flowers at traffic lights to supplement his wife's salary as a maid. "Their earnings are too little to buy bread for all and keep the other kids in school," he said. Pakistan, which has watched arch rival India embark on the path to prosperity and regional superpower status, was slapped with heavy sanctions after going nuclear in 1998, further suffocating economic development. Former president Pervez Musharraf's decision within hours of the September 11, 2001 attacks to back the US-led "war on terror" saw Washington pump in 10 billion dollars of aid money and cancel billions more in foreign debt. Economists warn against a vicious cycle, saying mounting economic problems boost civil disturbances and fan the flames of militancy. The government has blamed the economic woes on the fight against terrorism, but many ordinary people accuse the authorities of squandering aid money.
Child misery behind Pakistan's festive bangles
Ten-year-old Mohammad Adnan leans towards the blazing furnace, moulding bangles for up to 12 hours a day to earn 18 cents to help feed his Pakistani family. "I'm just starting and can make six to seven tora (300 bangles) a day and earn 14 to 15 rupees," said Adnan, a smile on his tired face in Pakistan's southern city of Hyderabad. Adnan is just one of thousands of Pakistani children toiling to manufacture the popular glass bracelets that adorn the arms of practically every woman who can afford them in the south Asian nation of 170 million. The jewellery is particularly popular on festive occasions such as this week's Eid al-Fitr celebration that marks the end of the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan. In the build-up to Eid, Pakistani artisans work overtime, hunched for hours over fires to churn out bangles in every possible colour, exerting maximum effort for least reward at the bottom of a high-earning industry. Mohammad Kaleem, Adnan's father, is one of the best paid, earning 3,000 rupees (36 dollars) a month for carving names and designs onto the thin glass. "I inherited this art from my father and now I am transferring it to my son," Kaleem said. Pakistan's bangle industry started on the banks of the Indus river in 1947 when a large number of artisans migrated to Hyderabad as British colonialists partitioned the Indian sub-continent, creating two independent nations. But for every bangle given as a present in wealthy homes this Eid, lies a disturbing tale of child labour, poverty and Dickensian misery. A 2004 survey commissioned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) found that 10,000 children aged five to 17 -- 1,000 of them younger than 10 and 29 percent of them girls -- were working in the bangle industry in Hyderabad. Most of them come from poor homes with illiterate parents, dropping out of school because of poverty. "I couldn't go to school after fourth grade because the whole family has to work to survive and our jobs coincide with school time," said 14-year-old Mohammad Kamran. Pakistan's last national child labour survey in 1996 said 3.3 million children were at work. Since then, the overall population has risen by 30 million and charities say the figures are much higher. "We believe these official figures are unrealistically low," says Pakistan's Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child. "With at least 23 million children of school-going age not attending school, the actual number of child laborers must be higher," its website says. The ILO survey said 86 percent of the children worked full-time and that nearly 58 percent spoke of sickness or injury. The children suffer from fever, skin disease, cuts, wounds, headaches and backache due to heavy loads. The study highlighted the risks of working for hours at a time near the furnaces used for moulding and joining, and also from toxic chemicals used in coating and painting. In a closed room of a Hyderabad slum, Fatima Ali, 35, cuts a cylinder of glass into batches of 300, then starts to smooth the bangles over a flame. "I work along with my husband, three sons and two daughters (who are aged eight to 15) all day, yet we earn little more than 6,000 rupees (75 dollars) a month -- not enough to live a better life," she said. Fatima said she wore a bangle just once -- at her wedding 18 years ago. "I can't wear it now, because I feel no attraction in its colours and glitter like other women," she said.
TV accused of fanning Pakistan political instability
Pakistan's television networks are heaping political pressure on an increasingly unpopular President Asif Ali Zardari with critical and influential programming that pretend to offer a voice to the poor. In the decade since military ruler Pervez Musharraf issued licences and softened state control on media after seizing power, more than 50 channels have mushroomed in the country, with around half dedicated to news broadcasts. The channels have become campaigners against the leadership, have whipped up fervour for and against the Taliban, have embarrassed the security services and sown fear with 24-seven coverage of attacks beamed into living rooms. "The government is under constant pressure from the media," Mutahir Sheikh, head of international relations at Karachi University, says. A Gallup survey claimed that more than half of Pakistanis -- 57 percent of those polled -- blame the media for stirring up political instability in the country, which has known regular periods of military rule. There are dozens of private satellite channels based in Pakistan and abroad that present every possible political opinion, pumping out news and debate in Urdu, English and provincial languages to the country's 170 million people. Owned by newspaper groups, wealthy businessmen and private individuals, critics accuse them of sensationalism and peddling conspiracy theories, particularly about perceived interference from India and the United States. Renowned author Ahmed Rashid accused talk show hosts of "demonising the elected government, trying to convince viewers of global conspiracies against Pakistan led by India and the United States or insisting that the recent campaign of suicide bomb blasts... is being orchestrated by foreigners. "The campaign waged by some politicians and parts of the media -- with underlying pressure from the army -- is all about trying to build public opinion to make Mr Zardari's tenure untenable," he had written on the BBC website. authorities banned a Dubai-based show presented by an outspoken critic of the government on Pakistan's most influential private channel, Geo. "The government is unnerved and uneasy over the independent criticism it faces in our unbiased programmes. But instead of countering argument with argument it goes for tactics which bring more embarrassment," said Azhar Abbas, Geo's managing director. In 2009, the authorities cut live footage broadcast by some TV channels of a deeply embarrassing 20-hour siege on the Pakistani army's headquarters. Television channels were seen as having influenced a government decision to publish a list of officials, including Zardari, who have benefited from an amnesty on graft accusations. Now, they extensively propagate every case in the Supreme Court, which could embarrass the authorities. Many say the media play a vital role in shaping public opinion in a country where nearly half the population are illiterate. "Independent media has empowered the underprivileged people to express themselves, which is itself a revolutionary change," said Fateh Muhammad Burfat, a sociology professor at Karachi University. "But, at the same time, it carries along its own agenda and influence people to buy it." The channels supported a movement to restore ousted Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry in 2009, siding with opposition leader Nawaz Sharif until Zardari's government caved in, reinstating him to avert violence in the capital. Television executives believe their news helps inculcate democracy and gives a voice to the disenfranchised, who get little assistance from the state. "We adopt very democratic methods. Here you find people from both sides," said Talat Hussain, a top official and anchorperson at Dawn News. "The impression that we create chaos in society is not true," said Hussain. "In Pakistan people have utmost faith in two institutions -- judiciary and media. Our people pin their hopes on us and we do whatever we can to make ours a better society," said Hussain.
Pakistan's leader returns home amid scandal
by Hasan Mansoor
KARACHI, Dec 19, 2011 (AFP) - Pakistan's beleaguered President Asif Ali Zardari returned suddenly on Monday from two weeks of medical treatment abroad, seeking to dispel rumours that scandal and illness could force him from office.
He returned, under the cover of darkness on a chartered plane, as the Supreme Court decided whether to order an inquiry into allegations that one of his aides sought American help in limiting the power of the military.
The head of the army, General Ashfaq Kayani, last week called for an investigation into a memo allegedly written because Zardari feared he could be ousted in a coup after a covert US raid killed Osama bin Laden on May 2.
Kayani said the memo had impacted national security. The scandal has inflamed tensions between Zardari's weak government and the military, which has staged four coups in Pakistan and remains the chief arbiter of power.
But aides denied Monday that Zardari's return had anything to do with the Supreme Court, saying he would meet leaders from his Pakistan People's Party in Karachi for business as usual before returning to the capital Islamabad.
"The doctors told him he was fit to travel... and he left for Pakistan. There is no other reason for this," a senior member of the party told AFP.
"The speculation and controversies are over. He is here and will face all controversies," added Qamar Zaman Kaira, a leader in Pakistan's main ruling party.
Zardari will attend the fourth anniversary commemorations for the assassination of his wife, former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, on December 27 and then return to the capital, spokesman Aijaz Durrani said.
The 56-year-old president flew to Dubai on December 6 and was kept in the American Hospital until December 14 for an illness that has not been officially disclosed, but which aides have likened to a "mini stroke".
His sudden departure, at a time of the developing scandal and a major crisis in relations with Washington over NATO's killing of 24 Pakistani soldiers on November 26, fanned frenzied speculation that he may resign.
On Monday, the Supreme Court met to examine a petition from the political opposition demanding to know who was responsible for the May 10 memo sent to then US Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen.
American businessman Mansoor Ijaz has claimed that Zardari feared the military might overthrow his government and accused Husain Haqqani, Pakistan's ambassador to Washington, of crafting the memo with Zardari's support.
Haqqani, who was forced to resign last month, denied any involvement but he has already been restricted from leaving Pakistan.
Retired general Talat Masood said that by returning, Zardari sent a message that he was unconcerned by the court proceedings, but that it was clear the military was expanding its influence at the expense of the government.
"But this does not mean that the military does not understand its own limitations. It knows it cannot possibly dislocate or displace a civilian, constitutionally elected government and replace it," Masood told AFP.
Saturday, December 17, 2011
Pakistan urchins swap streets for art
by Hasan Mansoor
Tanvir Ahmed was 11 years old when he ran away from home and got drawn into life as a sex worker on the streets of Karachi. Now he takes art lessons and dreams of a better future.
"The four years I spent here were the worst. It was abuse. I never knew what would happen," said Ahmed, sitting in an art studio tucked away in a backstreet in Pakistan's teeming metropolis of 16 million on the south coast.
"I left because of continuous irritation from my relatives. I wanted to study, but they forced me to work."
Tanvir lived rough before he met Rana Asif Habib who runs a charity that rehabilitates street children and has slowly reunited with his family.
"I do painting and photography now, study at evening school and work in the day at a shop," said Ahmed.
"I'm happy with my parents and three younger siblings, who are happy to see me with a better life."
Although Ahmed limits public talk of his past to "abuse", Habib said he was one of many dragged into the horrors of the sex trade.
"A large number of street children have been thrown to this trade... Tanvir is one of few boys who has accepted our counselling, many others do not leave so easily. In the end, he proved to be a very creative person," he said.
"Street children are the victims of unplanned economic growth, war, poverty, domestic violence and violence at schools and madrassas."
Karachi is home to Pakistan's biggest community of street children -- an estimated 20,000 youngsters who are victims of domestic violence and broken homes, a life of drugs and crime in the steamy port city on the Arabian sea.
Illiterate, uneducated and without family, the children can grow into seasoned criminals, drug addicts or fall prey to Islamist militancy. Ahmed comes from southern Punjab, which has become a Taliban recruitment ground.
He is one of 15 children who take painting and photography lessons at Habib's Initiator Human Development Foundation (IHDF).
"I love to paint. I love to take pictures. I think I was born for it but a difficult life never allowed me to express my talent before."
Salman Mukhtar, secretary of the charity, says the point of rehab is to get children off the streets and into work.
"We provide cameras to some children who are interested and arrange photo exhibitions from time to time. Many of these kids are immensely talented but have little opportunity to express themselves.
"We have an artist with us who teaches some kids sketching and painting. We also teach them candle making so kids can earn a living," he told AFP. But picking them up is the hardest part.
The loss of one or both parents makes them "suspicious about everything and everyone," said Mukhtar.
The centre offers books, lessons, food and a place to sleep. "We have contacts with shopkeepers, automobile workshops and private firms where we get the kids employed after judging a behavioural change and according to their abilities."
Surveys conducted by various organisationsre unanimous that the majority of street children use drugs, smoke and sniff glue. Some become heroin addicts.
"They use drugs because of depression. Most of them self-harm, cut themselves and even burn themselves," said Habib.
Some 20,000 runaways live in Karachi and 150,000 across Pakistan, he believes. Rights activists say tuberculosis and other diseases are common among the children because of physical and sexual abuse, exposure to the elements and sleeping in filthy sewage pipes, open parks, footpaths or bus stations.
"They are unprotected and vulnerable to all imaginable risks and all forms of exploitation. They are at risk for harassment, sexually transmitted diseases, substance abuse, violence, injury and even death," Habib said.
The literacy rate in Pakistan is 57 percent. Officially 46 percent of children are enrolled in primary school -- the lowest rate in South Asia. The drop out rate is 50 percent, one of highest in the world. About 30 percent of the population are believed to live below the poverty line, earning a dollar a day or less.
Mohammad Zahid came to Karachi when he was 10 to escape poverty in the northwestern Mansehra district, where suspected Islamist militants attacked a Christian charity in March, killing six aid workers.
He begged, stole and snatched mobile phones at gunpoint. He was one of hundreds of children who looted shops in the chaos after the 2007 assassination of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
"I have learnt one thing by living an independent life in Karachi, no one but your own family, no matter how poor they are, can protect you. "It was too depressing," Zahid said. "I never knew when I would be thrown in a lockup or someone would sexually assault me."
Tanvir Ahmed was 11 years old when he ran away from home and got drawn into life as a sex worker on the streets of Karachi. Now he takes art lessons and dreams of a better future.
"The four years I spent here were the worst. It was abuse. I never knew what would happen," said Ahmed, sitting in an art studio tucked away in a backstreet in Pakistan's teeming metropolis of 16 million on the south coast.
"I left because of continuous irritation from my relatives. I wanted to study, but they forced me to work."
Tanvir lived rough before he met Rana Asif Habib who runs a charity that rehabilitates street children and has slowly reunited with his family.
"I do painting and photography now, study at evening school and work in the day at a shop," said Ahmed.
"I'm happy with my parents and three younger siblings, who are happy to see me with a better life."
Although Ahmed limits public talk of his past to "abuse", Habib said he was one of many dragged into the horrors of the sex trade.
"A large number of street children have been thrown to this trade... Tanvir is one of few boys who has accepted our counselling, many others do not leave so easily. In the end, he proved to be a very creative person," he said.
"Street children are the victims of unplanned economic growth, war, poverty, domestic violence and violence at schools and madrassas."
Karachi is home to Pakistan's biggest community of street children -- an estimated 20,000 youngsters who are victims of domestic violence and broken homes, a life of drugs and crime in the steamy port city on the Arabian sea.
Illiterate, uneducated and without family, the children can grow into seasoned criminals, drug addicts or fall prey to Islamist militancy. Ahmed comes from southern Punjab, which has become a Taliban recruitment ground.
He is one of 15 children who take painting and photography lessons at Habib's Initiator Human Development Foundation (IHDF).
"I love to paint. I love to take pictures. I think I was born for it but a difficult life never allowed me to express my talent before."
Salman Mukhtar, secretary of the charity, says the point of rehab is to get children off the streets and into work.
"We provide cameras to some children who are interested and arrange photo exhibitions from time to time. Many of these kids are immensely talented but have little opportunity to express themselves.
"We have an artist with us who teaches some kids sketching and painting. We also teach them candle making so kids can earn a living," he told AFP. But picking them up is the hardest part.
The loss of one or both parents makes them "suspicious about everything and everyone," said Mukhtar.
The centre offers books, lessons, food and a place to sleep. "We have contacts with shopkeepers, automobile workshops and private firms where we get the kids employed after judging a behavioural change and according to their abilities."
Surveys conducted by various organisationsre unanimous that the majority of street children use drugs, smoke and sniff glue. Some become heroin addicts.
"They use drugs because of depression. Most of them self-harm, cut themselves and even burn themselves," said Habib.
Some 20,000 runaways live in Karachi and 150,000 across Pakistan, he believes. Rights activists say tuberculosis and other diseases are common among the children because of physical and sexual abuse, exposure to the elements and sleeping in filthy sewage pipes, open parks, footpaths or bus stations.
"They are unprotected and vulnerable to all imaginable risks and all forms of exploitation. They are at risk for harassment, sexually transmitted diseases, substance abuse, violence, injury and even death," Habib said.
The literacy rate in Pakistan is 57 percent. Officially 46 percent of children are enrolled in primary school -- the lowest rate in South Asia. The drop out rate is 50 percent, one of highest in the world. About 30 percent of the population are believed to live below the poverty line, earning a dollar a day or less.
Mohammad Zahid came to Karachi when he was 10 to escape poverty in the northwestern Mansehra district, where suspected Islamist militants attacked a Christian charity in March, killing six aid workers.
He begged, stole and snatched mobile phones at gunpoint. He was one of hundreds of children who looted shops in the chaos after the 2007 assassination of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
"I have learnt one thing by living an independent life in Karachi, no one but your own family, no matter how poor they are, can protect you. "It was too depressing," Zahid said. "I never knew when I would be thrown in a lockup or someone would sexually assault me."
Thursday, December 15, 2011
A Saint of Children!
by Hasan Mansoor
The Achchi Qabar (means white grave in Sindhi for its appearance) is a legendary monument in famous Mithadar area. This is the shrine of Hazrat Noor Shah Ghazi who is famous as Dada (grandpa) among Old Mithadarians.
The myth is that Dada Noor Shah Ghazi was a saint who had great affection for children. The children of Mithadar would go at his shrine and play there. People believe the saint would be playing with kids in the premises and some children, now in their 70s and 80s still narrate their childhood games at the shrine with firm belief that the Dada was among them.
“I still remember an incident that my living friends can corroborate,” says sexagenarian Mohammad Ali, “A woman saw his son sitting onto the grave of Dada in the shrine. She beat him and asked him not to do it again. The same night his son saw and neighbours heard the woman screaming wildly as if someone was beating her. She later said the Dada was annoyed with her for preventing her son from playing with him and warned her of graver consequences if she did it again.”
Equally important character of Mithadar was Aasoo Halwai, a Hindu confectioner having a monumental popularity in the little Karachi for his tasty sweets. Dada Noor Shah Ghazi, many old residents say, would be visible sometimes. He would often visit Aasoo Halwai’s shop in Sarafa Bazaar and take some platters of sweets. Neither Dada would pay Halwai anything nor the confectioner would demand the same. Dada would put something invisible in the money-box placed at a table and distribute sweets among children.
“Aasoo Halwai never stopped Dada from taking sweets for free, yet surprisingly he became prosperous and wealthier. Perhaps, it was Dada’s blessing that made him richer,” Ali says.
Now, when the twin neighbourhoods of Kharadar and Mithadar have changed altogether, the myths of Dada have become things of the past. Annual Urs at his Achchi Qabar still takes place but he is now merely a saint for the organisers and not of children.
In pre-partition days, Mithadar and Kharadar were mainly residential localities and were spacious enough for joy walk. Automobiles were rare enough space was there to walk and ride bicycles.
“Imagine, 60 years ago, I would go on bicycle from Mithadar to Kharadar to visit my aunt and would find no automobile all the way,” Anis Memon, an old resident, says.
“Now you see a maddening traffic here and people in hurry coming from all directions.”
Aasoo Halwai’s family had shifted to India after the partition and one of Dada's kids who visited Mumbai says Aasoo's grandchildren are engaged in the same business. They have many outlets in towns of Maharashtra and Gujarat states.
His shop is now owned by a family migrated from India and sells jewellery.
2011
The Achchi Qabar (means white grave in Sindhi for its appearance) is a legendary monument in famous Mithadar area. This is the shrine of Hazrat Noor Shah Ghazi who is famous as Dada (grandpa) among Old Mithadarians.
The myth is that Dada Noor Shah Ghazi was a saint who had great affection for children. The children of Mithadar would go at his shrine and play there. People believe the saint would be playing with kids in the premises and some children, now in their 70s and 80s still narrate their childhood games at the shrine with firm belief that the Dada was among them.
“I still remember an incident that my living friends can corroborate,” says sexagenarian Mohammad Ali, “A woman saw his son sitting onto the grave of Dada in the shrine. She beat him and asked him not to do it again. The same night his son saw and neighbours heard the woman screaming wildly as if someone was beating her. She later said the Dada was annoyed with her for preventing her son from playing with him and warned her of graver consequences if she did it again.”
Equally important character of Mithadar was Aasoo Halwai, a Hindu confectioner having a monumental popularity in the little Karachi for his tasty sweets. Dada Noor Shah Ghazi, many old residents say, would be visible sometimes. He would often visit Aasoo Halwai’s shop in Sarafa Bazaar and take some platters of sweets. Neither Dada would pay Halwai anything nor the confectioner would demand the same. Dada would put something invisible in the money-box placed at a table and distribute sweets among children.
“Aasoo Halwai never stopped Dada from taking sweets for free, yet surprisingly he became prosperous and wealthier. Perhaps, it was Dada’s blessing that made him richer,” Ali says.
Now, when the twin neighbourhoods of Kharadar and Mithadar have changed altogether, the myths of Dada have become things of the past. Annual Urs at his Achchi Qabar still takes place but he is now merely a saint for the organisers and not of children.
In pre-partition days, Mithadar and Kharadar were mainly residential localities and were spacious enough for joy walk. Automobiles were rare enough space was there to walk and ride bicycles.
“Imagine, 60 years ago, I would go on bicycle from Mithadar to Kharadar to visit my aunt and would find no automobile all the way,” Anis Memon, an old resident, says.
“Now you see a maddening traffic here and people in hurry coming from all directions.”
Aasoo Halwai’s family had shifted to India after the partition and one of Dada's kids who visited Mumbai says Aasoo's grandchildren are engaged in the same business. They have many outlets in towns of Maharashtra and Gujarat states.
His shop is now owned by a family migrated from India and sells jewellery.
2011
Bomb kills three Pakistani soldiers
by Hasan Mansoor
KARACHI, Dec 9, 2011 (AFP) - Bombers killed three Pakistani soldiers Friday as firefighters battled to control an inferno at a NATO trucking terminal attacked two weeks after Pakistan shut the Afghan border to US supplies.
The roadside bomb exploded alongside a vehicle carrying members of the Rangers paramilitary in Karachi, Pakistan's port city used by the United States to ship the bulk of supplies needed by 140,000 foreign troops in Afghanistan.
The powerful explosion badly damaged the vehicle and wounded four other soldiers in the eastern part of the city after daybreak, officials told AFP.
"Three troops from Pakistan Rangers were killed and four were hurt. It was a remote control bomb," said Sharfuddin Memon, a spokesman for the home ministry in the southern province of Sindh.
Mohammad Salim, an office worker in a nearby government office, said he saw the troops lying on the ground with the vehicle in flames.
"It was a loud explosion. I was going to the office and I rushed to the spot where the rangers were lying on the ground. They were bleeding," he told AFP.
Karachi is Pakistan's largest city, its financial hub and a lifeline for US and NATO troops fighting the Taliban in landlocked Afghanistan.
But the Afghan border crossings have been closed to NATO for 14 days, the longest period since the US-led invasion ousted the Taliban in late 2001.
Pakistan shut its two border crossings in the north and southwest on November 26 in protest after NATO air strikes killed 24 Pakistani soldiers, the deadliest single cross-border attack of the 10-year war in Afghanistan.
The government also ordered US personnel to vacate the Shamsi air base in the southwestern province of Baluchistan, widely reported to have been a hub in the covert CIA drone war against Taliban and Al-Qaeda on Pakistani soil.
Overnight, gunmen destroyed at least 34 trucks in a gun and rocket attack on a NATO trucking terminal in Baluchistan, where police said the fire brigade was still struggling to extinguish the inferno.
"The oil tankers are still on fire. Firefighters have been unable to control it. It was a huge fire," police official Mohammad Majeed told AFP by telephone from the city of Quetta, the capital of Baluchistan.
"We have no final count on how many tankers were torched but you can say dozens were destroyed," Majeed added. Around 44 oil tankers and goods trucks had been parked at the temporary terminal, one of three set up in and around Quetta for stranded vehicles.
No group claimed responsibility for the attack but the Taliban have in the past carried out similar strikes to disrupt supplies.
The bulk of supplies and equipment required by foreign forces in Afghanistan are shipped through Karachi, although US troops have increasingly sought alternative routes through Central Asia owing to violence in Pakistan.
It remains unclear when Pakistan's current blockade will end. The crisis has been described as the worst to hit the fragile Pakistani-US alliance which had not recovered from a secret American raid that killed Osama bin Laden near the capital on May 2.
Initial findings of a US military investigation into the November 26 strikes are not expected until December 23. US President Barack Obama has expressed condolences to President Asif Ali Zardari for the deaths, saying it was not a "deliberate attack."
More than 4,700 people have been killed across Pakistan in attacks blamed on Taliban and other Al-Qaeda-linked networks since government troops stormed a radical mosque in Islamabad in 2007.
Karachi has also seen its worst ethnic- and politically-linked unrest in 16 years, with more than 100 people killed in one week alone in October.
The gang wars have been linked to ethnic tensions between the Mohajirs, the Urdu-speaking majority represented by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), and Pashtun migrants affiliated to the rival Awami National Party (ANP).
Nusrat Bhutto: From Wife of a dictator’s apprentice to mother of democracy
by Hasan Mansoor
How many Iranians one knows who are revered religiously in Pakistan without having any religious reasons! Begum Nusrat Bhutto is the only person whose name comes in the minds of all and sundry.
She was a dashing and gorgeous women whom people saw with utter admiration in sarees and modern outfits until her husband was hanged by General Zia, the sorcerer of darkness.
Zia’s policies to convert a pluralistic and tolerant society into a mob of fanatics forced the Bhutto ladies as well to compromise on their liberal outlook to stay with the people, the nest where party’s Phoenix is to be reborn.
That was the first sacrifice the Bhutto ladies rendered — the smallest of all, which started with Bhutto’s hanging and continued with the murders of Shahnawaz and Murtaza.
Benazir had to sacrifice her own life later, so miseries for Nusrat remained unbound and never stopping. Even, now when she has breathed her last, her death has further divided the estranged royal family.
Nusrat Ispahani was an Iranian from Kurdistan Province, daughter of a businessman who settled in Karachi, British India before its partition. Nusrat met Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in Karachi where she became his second wife – in fact second to none as the events unfolded later proved.
A loving mother and perfect host had to enter the practical politics when her husband was opposed to Ayub Khan. He was jailed and persecuted that brought the first test of his wife’s skill to play as a capable alternative. This was her first stint as a politician, which most chroniclers forget.
She became the most powerful and charming First Lady till mid-1970s but that was just the beginning of a Shakespearian tragedy.
A tragedy allows one to find the strength within. She found it after General Zia’s coup, which was bloodless at the outset but proved to be the bloodiest of all dictatorial rules Pakistan was inflicted with by the men with the long boots.
She saw her husband tortured to death in a dark and filthy cell before being herself jailed along with daughter Benazir.
She received a head injury in the baton charge by Zia’s cronies at the Gaddafi Stadium in Lahore . That wound was not timely treated and most party elders said its lasting injurious effect on her gradually disabled her.
Young Shahnawaz Bhutto was found dead in an apartment in France, the reason of whose death is still a mystery.
She wanted to make elder son Murtaza Bhutto, the male heir of Bhutto dynasty, his husband’s political successor while Benazir was already the party’s co-chairperson, the party’s de facto chief.
The later events showed Murtaza’s political acumen was in huge contradistinction to his elder sister. Besides, Benazir had shown herself a national popular leader, while Murtaza had been unaware of how Pakistani politics had changed its nomenclature.
Quite spectacularly, the male-dominant Pakistani society loved Benazir the most, although Murtaza was Bhutto’s son – a man who is supposed to take charge of family affairs in this conservative Muslim country.
Nusrat Bhutto had proved herself a loving wife, a great political leader when the husband was judicially murdered, but now when the things had eased out a bit she turned herself what she originally was — a mother, who wanted to see her son touching the heights of glory.
She was the emotional force, besides other well known factors, which brought Mir Murtaza to Pakistan after 18 years of exile. Murtaza remained estranged to his sister after the homecoming and formed his own Peoples Party.
He hardly secured a seat for himself from Larkana, which, most voters and party cadres said, was a gift from his mother, who in person had gone all out to beg votes for him.
On Murtaza’s first visit to his father’s grave, she escaped a firing incident near Bhutto’s house in Larkana, Al-Murtaza, as Shahid Rind, a party jiyala, sustained bullets while covering her and died on the spot.
Nusrat Bhutto was pronounced physically dead on October 23, but she was emotionally and clinically dead on September 20, 1996, when Murtaza had been gunned down in a police encounter staged by the deep state. She lost everything she loved; her consciousness was the last asset she got deprived of. Alzheimer preyed on her in predetory proportions till she breathed her last.
Murtaza’s family blamed Benazir and then her spouse President Zardari of taking the old lady hostage — a blame the accused have always denied.
Insiders said even a known rights activist had tried to mediate between the two sides to allow Nusrat to live with the whole family, but to no avail.
“The Bhuttos had always helped the poor and workers. They had always saved the institutions that benefited the poor,” a worker said.
She lived a vibrant life and died a passive death. Her death in remote environs, for sure, has enlivened the forgotten tracts that made a dictator’s apprentice the people’s darling and his grave the ultimate headquarters for the rulers to come.
October 2011
How many Iranians one knows who are revered religiously in Pakistan without having any religious reasons! Begum Nusrat Bhutto is the only person whose name comes in the minds of all and sundry.
She was a dashing and gorgeous women whom people saw with utter admiration in sarees and modern outfits until her husband was hanged by General Zia, the sorcerer of darkness.
Zia’s policies to convert a pluralistic and tolerant society into a mob of fanatics forced the Bhutto ladies as well to compromise on their liberal outlook to stay with the people, the nest where party’s Phoenix is to be reborn.
That was the first sacrifice the Bhutto ladies rendered — the smallest of all, which started with Bhutto’s hanging and continued with the murders of Shahnawaz and Murtaza.
Benazir had to sacrifice her own life later, so miseries for Nusrat remained unbound and never stopping. Even, now when she has breathed her last, her death has further divided the estranged royal family.
Nusrat Ispahani was an Iranian from Kurdistan Province, daughter of a businessman who settled in Karachi, British India before its partition. Nusrat met Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in Karachi where she became his second wife – in fact second to none as the events unfolded later proved.
A loving mother and perfect host had to enter the practical politics when her husband was opposed to Ayub Khan. He was jailed and persecuted that brought the first test of his wife’s skill to play as a capable alternative. This was her first stint as a politician, which most chroniclers forget.
She became the most powerful and charming First Lady till mid-1970s but that was just the beginning of a Shakespearian tragedy.
A tragedy allows one to find the strength within. She found it after General Zia’s coup, which was bloodless at the outset but proved to be the bloodiest of all dictatorial rules Pakistan was inflicted with by the men with the long boots.
She saw her husband tortured to death in a dark and filthy cell before being herself jailed along with daughter Benazir.
She received a head injury in the baton charge by Zia’s cronies at the Gaddafi Stadium in Lahore . That wound was not timely treated and most party elders said its lasting injurious effect on her gradually disabled her.
Young Shahnawaz Bhutto was found dead in an apartment in France, the reason of whose death is still a mystery.
She wanted to make elder son Murtaza Bhutto, the male heir of Bhutto dynasty, his husband’s political successor while Benazir was already the party’s co-chairperson, the party’s de facto chief.
The later events showed Murtaza’s political acumen was in huge contradistinction to his elder sister. Besides, Benazir had shown herself a national popular leader, while Murtaza had been unaware of how Pakistani politics had changed its nomenclature.
Quite spectacularly, the male-dominant Pakistani society loved Benazir the most, although Murtaza was Bhutto’s son – a man who is supposed to take charge of family affairs in this conservative Muslim country.
Nusrat Bhutto had proved herself a loving wife, a great political leader when the husband was judicially murdered, but now when the things had eased out a bit she turned herself what she originally was — a mother, who wanted to see her son touching the heights of glory.
She was the emotional force, besides other well known factors, which brought Mir Murtaza to Pakistan after 18 years of exile. Murtaza remained estranged to his sister after the homecoming and formed his own Peoples Party.
He hardly secured a seat for himself from Larkana, which, most voters and party cadres said, was a gift from his mother, who in person had gone all out to beg votes for him.
On Murtaza’s first visit to his father’s grave, she escaped a firing incident near Bhutto’s house in Larkana, Al-Murtaza, as Shahid Rind, a party jiyala, sustained bullets while covering her and died on the spot.
Nusrat Bhutto was pronounced physically dead on October 23, but she was emotionally and clinically dead on September 20, 1996, when Murtaza had been gunned down in a police encounter staged by the deep state. She lost everything she loved; her consciousness was the last asset she got deprived of. Alzheimer preyed on her in predetory proportions till she breathed her last.
Murtaza’s family blamed Benazir and then her spouse President Zardari of taking the old lady hostage — a blame the accused have always denied.
Insiders said even a known rights activist had tried to mediate between the two sides to allow Nusrat to live with the whole family, but to no avail.
Nusrat Bhutto was the last of Bhuttos who will be remembered for her close liaison with enthusiastic party workers, labourers, peasants and other poor segments of society. On many occasions she escaped narrowly from rains of bullets while taking part in workers’ rallies.
Workers of Musawat and Hilal-e-Pakistan newspapers — the former an Urdu and the latter a Sindhi newspaper and party’s erstwhile mouth organs — still recall fond memories of her who never rejected a demand made by the workers.“The Bhuttos had always helped the poor and workers. They had always saved the institutions that benefited the poor,” a worker said.
She lived a vibrant life and died a passive death. Her death in remote environs, for sure, has enlivened the forgotten tracts that made a dictator’s apprentice the people’s darling and his grave the ultimate headquarters for the rulers to come.
October 2011
Whispers & Screams: by Hasan MansoorSUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has sp...
Whispers & Screams: by Hasan Mansoor
SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has sp...: by Hasan Mansoor SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has spent the last year living in a tent since floods devastated a third of Pakistan. His home i...
SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has sp...: by Hasan Mansoor SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has spent the last year living in a tent since floods devastated a third of Pakistan. His home i...
Floods rupture Pakistani feudal ties
by Hasan Mansoor
SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has spent the last year living in a tent since floods devastated a third of Pakistan. His home is no longer under water, but death threats mean he's never going back.
The monsoon-triggered floods -- the worst in Pakistani history -- affected up to 21 million people, killed another 1,750 and ran up losses of $10 billion; a year later a shattered economy has barely recovered.
Lashari's part of southern Pakistan was one of the worst hit areas, submerged in gushing waters that took months to recede. But the disaster gave him a chance to break free from centuries of oppression.
He is one of thousands who prefer life in rotting camps to returning to feudal estates where debts and marriages can end in death.
Lashari had a steady income as a labourer in Jacobabad, 375 kilometres (234 miles) north of Karachi, but said life became unbearable when an influential tribe took against one of their women marrying one of his relatives.
"The couple suddenly disappeared and the influential tribe threatened all of us with death," said Lashari, wearing just baggy shalwar trousers and standing in a tent city on the fringes of Sukkur city.
"We couldn't have moved away in normal circumstances. Then the floods came and we fled. It was a blessing in disguise. We are not going back now."
His camp, lying under a bridge, was one of scores set up by foreign aid groups, the United Nations and local charities in August 2010.
But as waters have receded, many relief organisations abandoned the camps, dismantling education programmes and leaving behind uncomfortable, sagging tents where thousands have remained, either unable or unwilling to go home.
"They have nothing to lose if they don't go home," said Jaffer Memon, who edits a newspaper in the southern city of Hyderabad and who worked as a volunteer during the floods.
"In fact they'll get rid of feuds, burgeoning debts and lethal customs that force them to marry off minor daughters to elderly men to settle feuds, and kill their mothers, wives, sisters and daughters in the name of honour," said Memon.
Deedar Ali Jatoi, an ailing grandfather from the town of Garhi Khero, whose entire family has moved into tents, couldn't agree more. His community was locked in a feud with a rival tribe that killed dozens of loved ones on both sides.
"We've decided never to return. We don't want to put our lives in danger again," he told AFP in the same tent city on the edge of Sukkur, where women cook on makeshift wooden stoves and younger children play naked outside.
"We are poor peasants but as members of a tribe we're bound to follow our chieftains and fight against rivals. But I don't want to see any of my children killed in such feuds."
"We have started earning now and can support our families. We're not going anywhere. We want homes here, not there," Jatoi said.
In Hyderabad, hundreds of flood survivors are camped out in the corridors of buildings of a new fruit market. Most found the wages double what they were earning back home -- up to $4.50 a day for menial jobs.
Those who returned home have tales of woe. "Our houses have been under water for months and are too dangerous to live in," said Virsingh Patel, 34, a peasant from a Hindu village near Hyderabad.
"We were given just a few bricks to construct our homes. We have no money to purchase cement and extra bricks to make our homes safe," said Patel.
Nadeem Ahmed, who was chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority during the floods, acknowledged the shortcomings, which he attributed to a lack of donation pledges -- in sharp contrast with the response after the 2005 earthquake.
"Now where things have really gone wrong is the reconstruction," he told reporters in Islamabad on Thursday.
"Out of those $10 billion required for reconstruction, I think hardly $1 billion or $1.5 billion have been committed so far. So there is a huge gap towards rebuilding or reconstruction."
In Patel's village, Radha Kolhi, 50, pointed to a picture of her dead husband hanging on a cracked wall and clothes and utensils lumped in a corner.
"Even if we can rebuild our house, we'll never live without fear. "The flood washed away the hurdles between us and the river, so now even a smaller flood can send us in camps," she said.
July 2011
SUKKUR: Bakhsh Ali Lashari has spent the last year living in a tent since floods devastated a third of Pakistan. His home is no longer under water, but death threats mean he's never going back.
The monsoon-triggered floods -- the worst in Pakistani history -- affected up to 21 million people, killed another 1,750 and ran up losses of $10 billion; a year later a shattered economy has barely recovered.
Lashari's part of southern Pakistan was one of the worst hit areas, submerged in gushing waters that took months to recede. But the disaster gave him a chance to break free from centuries of oppression.
He is one of thousands who prefer life in rotting camps to returning to feudal estates where debts and marriages can end in death.
Lashari had a steady income as a labourer in Jacobabad, 375 kilometres (234 miles) north of Karachi, but said life became unbearable when an influential tribe took against one of their women marrying one of his relatives.
"The couple suddenly disappeared and the influential tribe threatened all of us with death," said Lashari, wearing just baggy shalwar trousers and standing in a tent city on the fringes of Sukkur city.
"We couldn't have moved away in normal circumstances. Then the floods came and we fled. It was a blessing in disguise. We are not going back now."
His camp, lying under a bridge, was one of scores set up by foreign aid groups, the United Nations and local charities in August 2010.
But as waters have receded, many relief organisations abandoned the camps, dismantling education programmes and leaving behind uncomfortable, sagging tents where thousands have remained, either unable or unwilling to go home.
"They have nothing to lose if they don't go home," said Jaffer Memon, who edits a newspaper in the southern city of Hyderabad and who worked as a volunteer during the floods.
"In fact they'll get rid of feuds, burgeoning debts and lethal customs that force them to marry off minor daughters to elderly men to settle feuds, and kill their mothers, wives, sisters and daughters in the name of honour," said Memon.
Deedar Ali Jatoi, an ailing grandfather from the town of Garhi Khero, whose entire family has moved into tents, couldn't agree more. His community was locked in a feud with a rival tribe that killed dozens of loved ones on both sides.
"We've decided never to return. We don't want to put our lives in danger again," he told AFP in the same tent city on the edge of Sukkur, where women cook on makeshift wooden stoves and younger children play naked outside.
"We are poor peasants but as members of a tribe we're bound to follow our chieftains and fight against rivals. But I don't want to see any of my children killed in such feuds."
"We have started earning now and can support our families. We're not going anywhere. We want homes here, not there," Jatoi said.
In Hyderabad, hundreds of flood survivors are camped out in the corridors of buildings of a new fruit market. Most found the wages double what they were earning back home -- up to $4.50 a day for menial jobs.
Those who returned home have tales of woe. "Our houses have been under water for months and are too dangerous to live in," said Virsingh Patel, 34, a peasant from a Hindu village near Hyderabad.
"We were given just a few bricks to construct our homes. We have no money to purchase cement and extra bricks to make our homes safe," said Patel.
Nadeem Ahmed, who was chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority during the floods, acknowledged the shortcomings, which he attributed to a lack of donation pledges -- in sharp contrast with the response after the 2005 earthquake.
"Now where things have really gone wrong is the reconstruction," he told reporters in Islamabad on Thursday.
"Out of those $10 billion required for reconstruction, I think hardly $1 billion or $1.5 billion have been committed so far. So there is a huge gap towards rebuilding or reconstruction."
In Patel's village, Radha Kolhi, 50, pointed to a picture of her dead husband hanging on a cracked wall and clothes and utensils lumped in a corner.
"Even if we can rebuild our house, we'll never live without fear. "The flood washed away the hurdles between us and the river, so now even a smaller flood can send us in camps," she said.
July 2011
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